Completed on August 16th, 2020, for a sophomore-level political science course.
Across cultures, millions of children are victims of child marriage. According to UNICEF, child marriage refers to the forced formal or informal union between a child under the age of eighteen with an adult or another child (2020). Although child marriage impacts both boys and girls, girls are disproportionately more likely to become victims. This human rights violation affects all over the world, but the highest rates of child marriage occur in developing nations in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. A study done by UNICEF revealed that more than 650 million women today have been victims of child marriage (2020). Pakistan has the sixth-highest child marriage rates in the world, with an estimated 1,909,000 victims. Because child marriages are practiced in different cultures, there is a wide range of causes of child marriage. In Pakistan, the most common causes are tradition, gender norms, family practices, religious beliefs, and levels of education (Girls, not Brides, 2020).
I chose this topic because I’m a Pakistani-American woman who is interested in learning about the humanitarian state of Pakistan. I’m working towards a career in medical anthropology to work with women to help create a safer and more thriving environment for women, and child marriage has millions of victims, most of whom are women. To fight child marriage, understanding the causes and impacts is essential. Completing research for this paper has helped me better understand child marriage in Pakistan from a cultural and legal aspect.
Many traditional practices constitute child marriage in Pakistan, such as swara, watta satta, and pait likkhi. Also known as vani or sangchatti, swara is a 400 hundred-year-old traditional practice where fathers offer their daughters to pay off debts or settle tribal disputes (Inayat, 2017). Although this practice has been made illegal in Pakistan, many tribes still practice it. In her article “Pakistan cracks down on men trading young daughters settle debts and disputes,” Naila Inayat quotes six-year-old Saneeda, who shares, “Children taunt me and tell me that I will get married to a man older than my father. I don’t like to be reminded about that incident every day, but that’s all people say when they look at me.” (Inayat, 2017). Saneeda was rescued from an arranged marriage, and her adult perpetrators were arrested, but Saneeda still suffers from the trauma in the present time from the people around her.
Another traditional practice is watta satta, where women and girls are treated as objects to be traded and shared (Deccan Chronicle, 2020). Women and girls have a lack of autonomy and freedom to choose their path in life. Watta satta is similar to swara as a girl can be married off in both practices, but in watta satta, the victim is often a bride exchanged for another bride. For example, in a conservative region of Punjab, fourteen-year-old Saima’s father traded her to Mohammed Ramzan in exchange for Ramzan’s sister (Deccan Chronicle, 2020). This is similar to pait likkhi, a practice where a child (most usually a daughter) promised as a bride before birth or in early childhood (Girls not Brides, 2020).
One of the most common practices of child marriage is the familial practice of addo baddo, a practice where girls are married off to their first cousin on their father’s side. According to Girls not Brides, approximately 34% of child marriages in Pakistan are the result of addo baddo (National Insitute of Population Studies, 2013).
At the root of these traditions are rigid gender norms and religious misinterpretations. In the patriarchal society of Pakistan, girls and women are seen as beneath boys and men. This ideology allows for the traditional practices of treating girls and women as objects to trade and payments for debts and disputes. This misogynistic ideology also enforces the concept of “motherhood mandate,” defined as “A cultural belief that women must become mothers.” (Shibley & Else-Quest, 2017). The motherhood mandate requires women to get married and have children, implying that that is her sole role in society. The religious roots of these practices and beliefs are that a girl needs to be married when she reaches her menarche (first period) to protect her izzat (honor), emphasizing the value of a “virgin” girl (Girls, not Brides, 2020). Together, these beliefs belittle the worth of women and girls while also limiting their freedom.
Although the risk of child marriage varies, there is a disproportionately higher risk of being a victim of child marriage if the prospect is a female, living in poverty, and a low level of education. Being a female place the child at a disadvantage because of the rigid gender roles for women and girls in Pakistan, and poverty increases the risk because a girl is given away to reduce the expenses of a family. Poverty is the leading cause of child marriage because it allows families to feed, clothe, and provide shelter for fewer family members (Girls, not Brides, 2020). Families living in poverty are also more likely to practice traditional practices such as swara and watta satti because the brides can be used as financial compensation.
A low level of education is both a cause and effect of child marriage. A girl living in poverty with less access to education is reduced to her body, and most victims of child marriage are not allowed to continue their education post-marriage (Girls, not Brides, 2020).
The consequences of child marriage range from emotional and mental health, to physical health, and financial disadvantages. Physical health-related effects include a higher risk of cancer, heart disease, stroke, and STDs for both males and females (Equality Now, 2020). Child brides are at a high risk of complications during pregnancy and childbirth because the child’s body is not mature enough. These complications could be miscarriages, internal bleeding, and a decrease in general health. Child brides are also extremely vulnerable to sexual and domestic abuse from their partners and/or other members in their environment.
A child’s level of education profoundly impacts when they are a victim of child marriage. Post-marriage, children are often shunned from furthering their education, which can result in low self-esteem and worth outside of marriage. This also traps them in the marriage because their lack of education limits their abilities and understanding. A constraint on education also leads to a cycle of generational poverty and forces the child to be financially and socially dependent (Equality Now, 2020).
Put together, these consequences lead to severe mental and emotional health issues such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety (Equality Now, 2020).
In an active effort to end child marriage, Pakistan has taken significant steps. In 1990, Pakistan ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which made it illegal for children to marry under the age of 18 (United Nations Human Rights, 1989). In 1996, Pakistan ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) to obligate the consent of both parties. Pakistan’s National Education Policy focuses on ending sex-based disparity and promotes girls to be sent to school (United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, 1979).
Cultural relativism is a concept where practices of culture should be examined internally rather than externally. This allows for a more holistic understanding of another’s culture. Recent discussions have shown that child marriage is a result of one’s culture and shouldn’t have outside intervention as to invalidate their culture. Cultural relativism has its limits, though, especially in regards to child marriage as it is a human rights violation, a violation of freedom, and justices.
Child marriage is a human rights violation that negatively impacts children across the globe. Pakistan has taken accountability for having the sixth-highest child marriage rates in the world and is making active efforts to reduce and bring an end to it.
Works Cited:
National Institute of Population Studies (NIPS) [Pakistan] and ICF International. 2013. Pakistan
Demographic and Health Survey 2012-13. Islamabad, Pakistan, and Calverton, Maryland, USA: NIPS and ICF International.
Girls Not Brides. (2019, June 21). Pakistan – Child Marriage Around The World. Girls Not
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https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/11/09/time-end-child-marriage-pakistan
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Else-Quest, N., & Hyde, J. S. (2018). Chapter 7: Lifespan Development. In The psychology of
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Ha😫😫😫😫😭😭😭😭
This is sad..we’re in 21st century now
This should have stopped
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